Women's participation in agriculture beyond simple subsistence farming has seen a gradual increase since such a metric was first considered in Nepal in the 1980s. In 1961/62, Nepal’s first Agriculture Census provided no gender-disaggregated data and focused on the “holders” of the land instead. Women were “invisible” workers who worked unpaid and unappreciated in the fields of Nepal, when some critics argue that women were doing the majority of the work (Acharya & Bennett, 1981). Even when the Second Agriculture Census of Nepal (1971/72) was published, although some gender disaggregation occurred, it did not specify "hours worked" or "tasks performed" by gender, and it significantly undervalued women's economic contribution. The Third Agriculture Census (1981/82) coincided with a global shift (the UN Decade for Women 1975–1985) and began to offer a slightly clearer picture of women in the sector, stating that about 35.4% of the "economically active" population in agriculture were recorded as female. This was in spite of the work done by Meena Acharya (Status of Women in Nepal,1979-1981), which proved that they were actually providing 50% to 80% of the total labor in the hills. This census still focused on the “holder”, which at this time, was estimated at less than 5% of women because land and authority were legally and socially tied to men.

By 2011, however, women had already obtained 19% land ownership, and the percentage of women-headed agricultural households had reached 25.7%. The Nepal Living Standards Surveys (NLSS) have tracked the shift in poverty and land ownership. They document the rise in female land ownership from 11.7% in 2001 to approximately 19% in 2011, largely due to tax exemptions (25-40%) introduced for land registered in women's names. In the Nepal Labour Force Survey (NLFS) 2017/18, female participation in agriculture is cited at roughly 57.13%. This provides the benchmark for the "Feminization" of agriculture, showing that while women's overall labor force participation is lower than men's in formal sectors, they dominate subsistence agriculture. This change has also reflected the 1996–2006 conflict and subsequent male migration, as well as the structural change in Nepal's rural labor. (Gartaula et al. (2010): "Feminization of agriculture as an effect of male outmigration"). While women dominate agricultural labor and management, legal ownership of the means of production is also seeing a steady, policy-driven increase. According to the 2021 National Population and Housing Census, the proportion of households with female ownership of land or housing has risen to 23.8%. Within these households, 9.7% own land only, while 11.8% hold titles to both a house and land. Data from the Department of Land Management (2023) indicates that women now constitute 31.55% of total female-headed households nationwide. According to the FAO’s report (2019), 84 percent of women are employed in the agricultural sector compared to 62 percent of men employed in the same sector.

The Agricultural Development Strategy (ADS), developed by the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development (MoALD), has secured this shift in women's empowerment by mandating a 10% quota for women in agricultural training and emphasizing "Women Farmers' Groups" as the primary vehicle for extension services. This governmental support is a significant step in the right direction in terms of empowering the now majority demographic in agriculture; however, several glaring gaps persist in the basic framework, making it an incomplete and insecure source of capital for women, both economically and socially.

First and foremost, women in Nepal remain saddled by the numerous social and cultural roles they must fulfill. The FAO’s (2019, Country Gender Assessment of Agriculture and the Rural Sector in Nepal) report best encapsulates this as the "drudgery" and workload gaps. It notes that women in rural Nepal work significantly longer hours compared to men, primarily due to the "triple burden" of reproduction, production, and community management, where women “spent nearly six times more hours (23.3 hours versus 4.3 hours) than men in non-economic (household) work”. All this to say, women must fulfill many roles in the Nepali household that men have no need to, and this, because more women are now involved in agriculture compared to men, limits women in the “production” part of their roles, specifically, economic production.

Furthermore, while the land ownership metric does show an overall improvement and represents a historic peak in female asset-holding, it is important to note that many of these plots remain small or are held as joint titles. This rise is largely attributed to government "tax-break" incentives for registering property in women's names, rather than a purely organic shift in traditional inheritance patterns.

Finally, agriculture, and even modes of production as a whole, have glaring “mechanization” gaps (Kaini, B.R. (2017): "Women-friendly Agriculture"), where most agricultural tools in Nepal are still designed for male physical dimensions, contributing to higher physical strain for women. This means that women have no option but to use tools, machines, and infrastructures that were not designed with women in mind, and must thus work harder to do the same amount of work as men with tools more sophisticated or more tailored to their needs. The Sixteenth National Development Plan (2024/25–2028/29) has mentioned that it would integrate digital transformation and modern urbanization into the food system, while the Industrial Enterprise Act (2016) has offered discounts and priorities for female entrepreneurs to encourage the move from subsistence to commercial business, however the efficacy of these monetary plannings and the effects of its customization for the female workforce remains to be seen.

These issues are, in the context of today, compounded by the fact that rapid urbanization in the Kathmandu Valley and other suburban regions is creating a crisis for traditional women farmers. As cities expand, the physical and economic landscape of agriculture is shifting, leaving women particularly vulnerable. Due to subdivision for inheritance and residential sales, over 88.5% of farm holdings are now smaller than 0.5 hectares. (NLSS IV, 2022/23) This makes commercial farming nearly impossible, confining women to micro-scale subsistence plots that lack economies of scale.

As agricultural land is converted into residential "plotting," women, who often do not hold the legal titles to the land they till, are the first to be displaced. When a male head of household sells land to developers, women often lose their primary workplace and source of independence without having a say in the transaction. In suburban areas, the lack of available land forces women to abandon farming entirely or move to "less intensive" practices. This transition often leads to a significant loss of livelihood and a decline in food security for their families, as they shift from being primary producers to being dependent on volatile urban markets.

The most immediate threat to women farmers is the rapid disappearance and deterioration of the land itself. The Environment Statistics of Nepal (2024) reveals that Nepal’s arable land shrank by 19.9% over the last decade. Traditional soil-based farming is increasingly hampered by nutrient depletion and runoff. This degradation affects yields and forces a higher reliance on pesticides.

In response to land loss and soil degradation, technological frontiers like Project Biruwa are being leveraged to reclaim urban spaces and empower women with specialized knowledge. A collaboration between The Impacters (a WODES initiative) and Naya Yatra Pvt. Ltd. (Naya), this project focuses on low-pressure vertical aeroponics, a method of growing plants in an air or mist environment without any soil. Project Biruwa serves as a technical bridge for women displaced by urban sprawl. By utilizing aeroponics, farmers bypass the issue of soil degradation entirely. Plants receive a nutrient-rich mist periodically sprayed directly onto their roots, which allows for a controlled environment less susceptible to pests. This technique reduces water usage by up to 95 percent compared to traditional farming and reduces the need for pesticides. Furthermore, the vertical structure of these systems significantly reduces the required acreage, making it an ideal solution for dense urban settings where arable land is growing scarce. Project Biruwa focuses on research and development, which maps out models that are simpler and more cost-effective for small-scale farmers in Nepal.By utilizing aeroponics, farmers bypass the issue of soil degradation entirely. Plants receive nutrients through water droplets or mist, reducing water usage by up to 95% and eliminating the need for pesticides.

WODES is working on the Biruwa model to create efficient, locally viable vertical farming stacks. By using 3D modeling and 3D printing, we have created specialized components (sprinkler nozzles, drain covers), as well as .. and other components from locally available materials …. Project Biruwabiruwa creates locally viable, efficient vertical farming stacks. The Impacters Initiative by WODES and Naya had organized aa workshop on February 10, 2026 on how to optimize and standardizestandarize vertical farming for women farmers oin Nepal, focusing on economic viability and new leadership creation. This allows them to continue farming high-value crops even with negligible amounts of land. Vertical farming is not simply a novelty for today; it is a step forward in how farming may develop in the very near future. This, along with technologies such as Internet of Things (IoT), as well as AI technologies such as Machine Learning and Deep Learning, may well pave the way forward in which women can become both leaders, innovators, and producers of agricultural technologies.

As discussed in the workshop conducted by WODES, vertical farming can be combined with disease detection techniques that leverage the power of AI to create a more automated and reliable method of farming. On top of this, research on the safeguarding of plants that have become endangered due to deforestation and human overharvesting may serve to protect species that are endemic to Nepal. By deploying sensors, the ideal growth conditions of plants may be investigated, monitored, and regulated. This will serve to protect the future of the survival of these local species and may have wide implications on the agricultural biodiversity and economic resilience of the nation. By integrating these automated systems, Nepal can move toward a model of precision conservation where the specific needs of high-value medicinal and aromatic plants are met with scientific exactness.

The implications of this research extend into the pharmaceutical and cosmetic industries. Many plants endemic to the Himalayas are highly sought after for their unique chemical properties. By mastering the cultivation of these species, women farmers can transition more broadly and in higher numbers from subsistence farming to becoming conservators and suppliers of rare, high-value botanical products. This shift not only protects the natural heritage of Nepal but also establishes a new economic pillar built on sustainable, tech-forward agriculture. Ultimately, the fusion of traditional knowledge with AI and aeroponics ensures that even as urban spaces expand, the country's most precious biological assets are not left behind.

References:

Acharya, M. (1981). The status of women in Nepal: An aggregate analysis and summary of 8 case studies (Vol. 2, Part 9). Centre for Economic Development and Administration (CEDA), Tribhuvan University.

Acharya, M. (1994). The statistical profile of Nepalese women: A critical review. Central Bureau of Statistics. https://docs.censusnepal.cbs.gov.np/Documents/727b7eab-8c57-4269-96fa-4bb538a0dc8d.pdf

Acharya, M., & Bennett, L. (1983). Women and the subsistence sector: Economic participation and household decisionmaking in Nepal. World Bank. https://namati.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Dhakal-Breaking-Barriers-Building-Bridges1.pdf

Central Bureau of Statistics. (1968). Results of the national sample census of agriculture 1961/62. Government of Nepal.

Central Bureau of Statistics. (1975). National sample census of agriculture 1971/72. Government of Nepal.

Central Bureau of Statistics. (1984). National sample census of agriculture 1981/82. Government of Nepal.

Department of Land Management and Archive. (2023). Annual land administration report 2079/80 (2022/23). Government of Nepal.

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2019). Country gender assessment of agriculture and the rural sector in Nepal. https://openknowledge.fao.org/bitstreams/e5031810-3af7-43e9-b770-d276b9a94986/download

Gartaula, H. J., Visser, L., & Niehof, A. (2010). Feminization of agriculture as an effect of male outmigration: Unexpected outcomes from Jhapa district, eastern Nepal. The International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences, 5(2), 565–577. https://doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/CGP/v05i02/51590

Ishtiaque, A., Shrestha, M., & Tyralis, H. (2017). Rapid urban growth in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal: Monitoring land use land cover dynamics of a Himalayan city with Landsat time series. Environments, 4(4), 72. https://doi.org/10.3390/environments4040072

Kaini, B. R. (2017, June 20). Women-friendly agriculture. The Kathmandu Post. https://arjhss.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/C7104951.pdf

National Statistics Office. (2022). National population and housing census 2021: National report. Government of Nepal.

Sijapati, D. B. (2021). Political representation of gender in Nepal. Patan Pragya, 9(2), 35–55. https://doi.org/10.3126/pragya.v9i02.42011

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